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S. Matthews,” as does Todd in his Dell edition (keeping things straight in his Blake the Artist). (...) To Todd’s ear, even Blake’s “lyrical poems are often rough and pay little attention to the niceties of prosody” (p. 21). (...) The non-verbal emphasis of Todd’s excellent William Blake the Artist is evident from its title.

Todd’s book serves its titular purpose extremely well for the general features of sentimentalism. (...) Authors tried to forge a sympathetic, affective relationship between text and reader by depicting these “natural victims” and the antagonistic society or characters hounding them (Todd 3); a good reader was expected to respond with the appropriate sentiment, while neophytes gained valuable instruction through reading. (...) The man of feeling fills his role by his “outflowings of emotion,” which “teach response more than virtuous action” (Todd 92), so any charitable acts play second fiddle to his hyperbolic sympathy.

Bentley, G.E., Jr. “Ruthven Todd’s Blake Papers at Leeds.” Blake/An Illustrated Quarterly, 16 (1982), 72-81. (...) The Life of William Blake, ed. Ruthven Todd. [Everyman’s Library / An Everyman Paperback, vol. 1971.] (...) London: John Murray, for the Royal Academy, 1981. 195. Todd, F.C.C. [Francis Christopher]. Ruthven Todd (1914-1978): A Preliminary Finding-List.

A fragment of a rejected copper plate for America and electrotypes from some of the Songs of Innocence are, apart from the works themselves, the sole surviving direct evidence of Blake’s reliefetching methods and they formed the basis of an attempt by the remarkable trio of William Hayter, Joan Miro and Ruthven Todd to recreate them in 1947. Their method was purely experimental, that is to say it rested entirely on the making in the studio of a final product equivalent to Blake’s own.

Todd worked on his catalogue for at least a dozen years, and he produced several lengthy drafts. (...) But the final, longest version of Todd’s work is a typescript of 553 pages, including indices and numerous handwritten additions by the author datable to at least 1947. 4 Sometime between 1966 and 1968, 5 Todd presented this catalogue to Lessing J. (...) Although Butlin made use of both typescripts of Todd’s catalogue, he spent more than ten years checking all of Todd’s information, bringing it up to date, and personally inspecting almost every drawing and painting attributed to Blake.

See Gilchrist, Life of William Blake, ed. Todd (London: J. M. Dent and Sons; New York: E. P. (...) In a typescript catalogue of Blake’s paintings and drawings, Todd also claims that “a copy of this rejected plate” is “in the collection of Mr. (...) For the suggestion that Todd’s statements are based on the entry in the Philadelphia exhibition catalogue, see Crosby and Essick 63 and n30.

Wollstonecraft’s thought has by now been thoroughly analyzed, by Virginia Sapiro, Mitzi Myers, Janet Todd, and a host of others, and readers will find few new insights into the content of Wollstonecraft’s ideas here.

Press, 1981), I, no. 218, and II, pl. 249. 9 Such a method was invented by Ruthven Todd and W.S. Hayter and first described by Todd in 1948. See Todd, “The Techniques of William Blake’s Illuminated Printing,” reprinted in The Visionary Hand: Essays for the Study of William Blake’s Art and Aesthetics, ed.

In part, Wollstonecraft, knowing full well that any challenge to conventional gender roles would ensure a counterattack on her sexual morality—and indeed, as Alicia Ostriker points out, the Anti-Jacobin Review called the Rights of Woman “a scripture, archly fram’d, for propagating whores” (rev. of Todd 130)—is establishing the moral high ground. (...) At least, her codes of sexual conduct began to change: presumably in deference to the tastes of Fuseli, who disliked women with the appearance of a “philosophical sloven” (Knowles 164), Wollstonecraft began to dress more fashionably, discarding her old black dress and powdering her hair (Ferguson and Todd 12, Knowles 164-166). “She began to think,” writes Godwin, that she had been too rigid, in the laws of frugality and self-denial with which she set out in her literary career; and now added to the neatliness and cleanliness which she had always scrupulously observed, a certain degree of elegance, and those temperate indulgences in furniture and accommodation, from which a sound and uncorrupted taste never fails to derive pleasure. (62) “Temperature indulgences” they no doubt were, but Godwin’s haste to assure the reader of Wollstonecraft’s—and Godwin’s own—“sound and uncorrupted taste” shows the effort required to reconcile sensual pleasure of any kind or degree with accepted English Jacobin principles. Such a reconciliation must have been much more difficult for Wollstonecraft, to whom sexual morality was always a more central concern than it was to Godwin, and who, as a woman, was under far more pressure to conform to the conventional sexual code. 3 For discussion of Visions of the Daughters of Albion as reference to Wollstonecraft and Fuseli, see Hilton, Ostriker (rev. of Todd), and Wasser. Eventually, according to Godwin, the strain of having to reconcile her morality with her feelings became intolerable to Wollstonecraft, and to avoid Fuseli’s company she fled to France.

., The Visionary Hand: Essays for the Study of William Blake’s Art and Aesthetics (Los Angeles: Hennessey and Ingalls, 1973), Part I: “Blake’s Techniques of Relief Etching: Sources and Experiments,” pp. 7-44 (includes Ruthven Todd’s essay “The Techniques of William Blake’s Illuminated Printing” originally published in The Print Collector’s Quarterly, 29 (Nov. 1948), here published with Todd’s revisions of the notes and new illustrations and (p. 44) the editor’s list of sources for other brief descriptions of the relief etching process); John W.